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04 November 2026

ZANU-PF: 46 YEARS IN POWER, BUT WHERE IS THE PROMISE OF A BETTER ZIMBABWE?

By Andrew Tinashe Masuka

4th November 2026

A nation rich in resources, yet its people continue to struggle.

Zimbabwe is not a poor country. It is a country blessed with gold, diamonds, platinum, lithium, fertile land and intelligent people. Yet millions of its citizens continue to struggle with unemployment, poverty, poor public services and economic instability.

Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has dominated the country’s political leadership. After 46 years, it is only fair to ask: What has the party done with the responsibility entrusted to it by the people?

How can a country so rich in natural resources have citizens struggling to afford basic necessities? Why are graduates leaving university without employment? Why are families being separated because parents must travel abroad to provide for their children?

These are not simply economic questions. They are questions about leadership, accountability and the management of a nation’s wealth.

The people are paying the price.

Corruption is not just about money disappearing from government accounts. It is about hospitals without adequate medicines, schools without sufficient resources, unfinished infrastructure and opportunities that never reach ordinary citizens.

ZANU-PF cannot govern for decades and blame every failure on sanctions, foreign interference or previous governments. External challenges exist, but they do not absolve those who have held power for so long of responsibility.

The liberation struggle brought Zimbabwe independence, but independence was supposed to bring more than a flag and a national anthem. It was supposed to bring freedom, dignity, opportunity and a better life.

The sacrifices of the liberation struggle should never be used as an excuse to avoid accountability today.

A generation forced to leave home.

Perhaps the greatest tragedy is the number of Zimbabweans who have had to leave their homeland to find opportunities elsewhere.

Parents are separated from children. Families depend on relatives abroad for school fees, food and medical expenses. Young people with qualifications are building careers in countries other than the one they call home.

Zimbabweans abroad have become an economic lifeline for countless families.

But why should a country with so much natural wealth depend so heavily on money sent home by its own citizens working thousands of kilometres away?

A nation should create opportunities for its people, not force them to search for a future elsewhere.

Zimbabwe belongs to its people, not a political party

ZANU-PF played a significant role in Zimbabwe’s liberation history, and that history deserves recognition. But political history cannot be used to justify decades of unanswered questions.

Criticising the government is not betraying Zimbabwe. Demanding accountability is not disrespecting the liberation struggle. Wanting better leadership is not hating your country.

No political party owns Zimbabwe. No president is above accountability, and no individual should be more important than the welfare of millions of citizens.

Zimbabwe needs transparent leadership, independent institutions, genuine economic opportunities, and a system in which public resources benefit the public.

The question ZANU-PF must answer

After 46 years in power, Zimbabweans deserve more than political slogans and promises of a brighter future.

They deserve to know where their country’s wealth goes, why corruption remains a concern, and why ordinary people continue to carry the burden of economic hardship.

How many more generations must leave Zimbabwe before the country becomes a place where its own people can build successful lives?

How much longer must citizens wait for the opportunities they were promised?

ZANU-PF did not inherit Zimbabwe to own it. It inherited a responsibility to serve its people.

Zimbabwe is bigger than ZANU-PF. It is bigger than any president, politician or political party.

The country belongs to its people, and its natural wealth should create opportunities for its people.

A country should not be judged by how wealthy its leaders become, but by how well its people live.

Zimbabweans deserve to enjoy their own country.

About the author
Andrew Tinashe Masuka is a human rights activist based in the United Kingdom. He is in the Midlands Branch of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe. He is also active with the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) and Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO). He can be contacted by email at druemasuka@gmail.com

03 November 2026

The Fight for Zimbabwe's Ballot: Inside the High-Stakes Legal Challenge to CAB3

 By Ettar Patience Mhlanga

3rd November, 2026

Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Court has reserved judgment in a major legal challenge against Constitutional Amendment No. 3 (CAB3), bringing renewed attention to the country’s political future, democratic rights and constitutional governance. The case, brought by two war veterans, Eliphas Kawa and Hazvineyi Machingura, challenges important provisions of the constitutional amendment signed into law by President Emmerson Mnangagwa on 7 July 2026.

The legal proceedings have attracted considerable public interest because they concern the rights of Zimbabwean citizens to choose their political leadership and the constitutional procedures required to make significant changes to the country’s governing framework. The case has also become an important part of the wider debate between supporters of the amendment and those who believe it threatens democratic accountability.

The controversial amendment introduces major changes to Zimbabwe’s political and electoral arrangements. Among its most significant provisions are the extension of presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years, the postponement of the next general election from 2028 to 2030 and the removal of direct presidential elections by popular vote. Under the new arrangements, the President is elected by members of Parliament sitting jointly as the Senate and National Assembly.

These changes have raised serious questions about the future of democratic participation in Zimbabwe. Critics argue that removing the direct presidential vote reduces ordinary citizens' ability to exercise their constitutional right to choose the country’s head of state. They also argue that extending political terms changes the electoral timetable and affects the accountability of elected leaders to the electorate.

During the parliamentary process, the amendment received 216 votes in the National Assembly, exceeding the required two-thirds majority. However, 42 Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) members of Parliament voted against it, demonstrating the political divisions surrounding the proposed constitutional changes.

Kawa and Machingura have approached the Constitutional Court, arguing that the amendment cannot remove citizens’ right to elect a President of their choice under Section 67 of the Constitution without a national referendum. They have also challenged the provision that allows the President to appoint 10 additional senators, arguing that it undermines the Constitution's basic structure.

The applicants have named the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Parliament, the President and the Attorney-General as respondents in the proceedings. Their legal representatives, including constitutional lawyer Tendai Biti and Advocate Lewis Uriri, have argued that the case raises important questions about citizens’ voting rights, constitutional supremacy and access to justice.

An important part of the proceedings concerns whether the applicants should be allowed to approach the Constitutional Court directly rather than first taking their case through the High Court. This is significant because access to constitutional remedies is itself an important part of protecting citizens’ rights. The court’s decision on this preliminary issue will determine whether the applicants can proceed directly with their substantive constitutional challenge.

The Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF), led by former Finance Minister Tendai Biti, has supported the campaign to defend constitutionalism and encouraged Zimbabweans to attend the court proceedings in solidarity with the applicants. Following the hearing on 2 November, the organisation welcomed the support shown by citizens inside Zimbabwe and those following the proceedings from abroad.

The forum reiterated its commitment to peaceful and lawful efforts to defend constitutional supremacy, democratic governance and the rights of Zimbabwean citizens. Its position reflects growing concern among constitutional campaigners that the changes introduced through CAB3 require careful judicial examination.

The case is not the only legal challenge against the constitutional amendment. Other applications have also been brought before the courts, including a separate challenge by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which argues that a national referendum was required before the President could assent to the amendment under Section 328(6) of the Constitution.

The legal disputes have intensified political debate in Zimbabwe, with opposition groups and civil society organisations questioning whether the constitutional changes adequately protect citizens' democratic rights. Supporters of the amendment maintain that the required parliamentary procedures were followed, while critics insist that the changes affect fundamental constitutional principles and should receive wider public approval.

Beyond the courtroom, the controversy has important implications for freedom of expression, political participation and peaceful assembly. Citizens, opposition supporters, journalists and human rights defenders have continued to debate the amendment and its potential consequences for the country’s democratic institutions.

Zimbabweans living abroad have also followed the developments closely. Diaspora communities, particularly those involved in human rights advocacy, have used online discussions, petitions and demonstrations to express their concerns about CAB3 and the future of constitutional democracy in Zimbabwe. These activities demonstrate that political developments in Zimbabwe remain a major concern for citizens both at home and overseas.

Political parties, civil society organisations and members of the public will closely watch the Constitutional Court’s decision. However, it is important to recognise that the court has only reserved judgment in this particular application. It has not yet ruled that CAB3 is unconstitutional or upheld the applicants’ arguments. The substantive legal questions remain subject to judicial determination.

The ongoing legal battle highlights the importance of an independent judiciary and the protection of constitutional rights. A democratic constitution should provide safeguards against the excessive concentration of political power and ensure that citizens retain meaningful opportunities to participate in decisions affecting their country.

Zimbabwe now faces an important constitutional moment. The outcome of the court challenges could influence the future of presidential elections, parliamentary representation and the relationship between political leadership and the electorate.

For many Zimbabweans, the central issue is not simply the extension of terms in office but the protection of their democratic rights and the principle that public authority should remain accountable to the people.

As the country awaits the Constitutional Court’s judgment, the debate over CAB3 continues to reflect wider concerns about democracy, constitutionalism and the future of political freedom in Zimbabwe.

About the authors
Ettar Patience Mhlanga is a human rights defender and political activist based in the United Kingdom. She is an active member of the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation. She is also in the North Branch of the UK Chapter of the Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe and is a member of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO). She can be contacted by email at mhlangaettarpatience@gmail.com

Zviriko Is Not a Strategy

How a jobless economy is pushing Zimbabwe's youth toward drugs and despair, and why industrialisation is the answer

By Narshon Kohlo, Chairperson, CDF Zimbabwe Youth, and Blessing Tariro Makeyi, Chairperson, Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation

3rd November, 2026

There is a word Zimbabweans say when life breaks us. Zviriko. It happens.

It has carried millions through hunger, blackouts, bank queues and burials. Social media now calls it a statement that has saved many from a mental breakdown. I understand why. When the system gives you nothing, you learn to carry everything yourself.

But let us be honest. A people should not need a slogan to survive their own government.

Zviriko is not a strategy. It is a symptom.

The graduate with nowhere to go

Every year, young Zimbabweans finish school, college and university. They have degrees, certificates and dreams. And every year they walk into an economy with no door for them.

Reported ZimStat figures have put youth unemployment above 85 per cent. Even where the numbers are argued over, the reality on the street is not. Factories have closed. Industries have shrunk. Vending and cross-border trade have become the national career path.

Who built this economy? Who has governed it for over four decades? Do we need to ask who destroyed it? Who promised jobs and delivered a hustle?

When a young person wakes up with an empty stomach and a jobless future, that is not laziness. That is policy failure.

What do the young people of Zimbabwe ask of their government? It is simple. Jobs. Jobs. Jobs. Yet the ZANU-PF-led government has failed to deliver on this most basic responsibility.

For nearly two decades, our parents have poured thousands of dollars into our education. They made enormous personal and financial sacrifices. They believed their children would graduate, find decent work, earn a fair salary and live with dignity. Then the graduation gown comes off, and the economy offers nothing. Years of study. Years of sacrifice. For what?

From despair to the bottle, the pipe and the pill

Harare's high-density suburbs tell the story. Young men and women, many of them educated, gather openly to consume crystal meth, known as mutoriro, along with illicit alcohol, marijuana, codeine syrups and abused prescription drugs. Researchers in Harare have documented the toll of mutoriro on the mental health of the youths who use it. Reporting from earlier in the crisis, they found a single gram selling for about twelve dollars, roughly a week's rent for a township room.

Drugs have become both a business and a refuge. A refuge from hunger. A refuge from shame. A refuge from a future that has been cancelled.

And where is the help? A 2020 Mental Health Zimbabwe survey found that about 70 per cent of respondents had no access to formal mental health services. Public rehabilitation is almost non-existent. Private rehab is out of reach. Stigma finishes the job. So, the young person who needs a nurse instead meets a police baton.

Why are the poor and the addicted arrested, while the suppliers seem to operate in daylight? Who is protecting the pipeline?

Depression with a political address

We talk about depression as if it falls from the sky. It does not. When a state fails to create work, fails to fund clinics, fails to deal with corruption and fails to protect its young, the despair that follows has a political address.

Call it what it is: governance-induced depression.

And the three vices that follow unemployment are no secret. Substance abuse. Crime. The sale of young bodies just to eat. Each of them is a bill, and our children are paying it.

The excuses are running out.

Government has now launched a National Youth Policy for 2026 to 2030 that names drug abuse and mental health care as priorities. Good. Then let us hold it to its word.

We have heard of youth funds that never reach the youth. We have heard of empowerment banks and empowerment speeches. What we have not seen is a generation put to work.

Meanwhile, political energy is poured into rewriting the rules to protect those in power, while the young are left to rewrite their own coping. Which one will history record as the priority?

Industrialise, or lose a generation

Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has had decades to build an industrialised economy capable of employing its people. Zimbabwe was once among the most industrialised countries in sub-Saharan Africa. What happened?

The Industry minister now says that manufacturing capacity utilisation reached 63.2 per cent by the third quarter of 2026. That is an improvement on last year. But it also means more than a third of our productive capacity sits idle. Independent analysts warn that much of the machinery is outdated, and the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries has itself warned of a drift toward de-industrialisation. Asked how many jobs the recovery has created, the ministry said it has not tabulated them.

A recovery that cannot count its jobs is not a recovery for the youth.

The solution is neither complicated nor beyond our reach. Industrialise the country. Revive our productive sectors. Support local enterprises. Attract productive investment. Create decent, sustainable jobs.

And while the government fails us, our brightest leave. Many young Zimbabweans are driven abroad, not because they want to abandon their country, but because their country has failed to give them a future at home. The diaspora is not a choice. It is an indictment.

What accountability looks like

* Jobs, not slogans: real investment in industry, agriculture, skills and youth enterprise, with funds audited and published.

* Treatment, not handcuffs: public rehabilitation and community mental health services in every province.

* Prosecute the pipeline: go after the networks that supply the drugs, not just the young people who use them.

* End the stigma: mental health is health.

* Transparent leadership: officials named and answerable when youth money disappears.

A message to our young people

You are not broken. You are not lazy. You were failed.

Some of us choose to fight because the alternative is watching a generation disappear. It is painful. We will do it anyway.

We do not want handouts. We want opportunities.

We do not want political rhetoric. We want tangible economic transformation.

We do not want to be reduced to campaign mobilisers and political spectators. We want to be active participants in building the economy and shaping the future of our country.

Employment is not a political favour. It is an urgent national priority. A country that educates its young people but cannot employ them is wasting its greatest resource.

To the diaspora: do not look away. Support the clinics. Support the youth projects. Raise your voice in every forum you can reach.

Zviriko is how we survive. Accountability is how we win.

Mobilize. Educate. Defend.

About the authors
Narshon Kohlo is the Chairperson, CDF Zimbabwe Youth, and Blessing Tariro Makeyi is the Chairperson, Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation. Blessing is also a member of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe.

ZIMBABWE’S UNFINISHED LIBERATION: A NATION HELD HOSTAGE BY FEAR, CORRUPTION AND POLITICAL REPRESSION

By Samuel Jambaya

3rd November 2026

Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980 after a painful and bloody struggle against colonial oppression, with thousands of lives sacrificed in the hope that future generations would enjoy freedom, dignity, equality and justice. The people believed that independence would mark the end of oppression, that no citizen would again be forced to live in fear of those exercising political power, and that the nation’s wealth would finally serve its own people. Yet, decades later, a fundamental question remains: what is the meaning of independence when citizens are afraid to speak, when political disagreement can expose a person to intimidation and violence, when public institutions appear incapable of protecting ordinary people, and when the population that fought for liberation continues to struggle for the most necessities of life? ZANU-PF has governed Zimbabwe since independence, but the passage of time in power must never be confused with the achievement of freedom. A liberation movement does not acquire permanent ownership of a nation simply because it participated in the struggle for independence. Zimbabwe belongs to its citizens, not to a political party, a ruling elite or individuals who believe that questioning their leadership is an act of treason. True independence means that the people possess the freedom to choose their leaders, criticise their government, demand accountability and live without fear of political retaliation. When these freedoms are threatened, the promise of liberation remains incomplete.

The most disturbing feature of Zimbabwe’s political environment is the fear surrounding the exercise of fundamental human rights. Freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and political participation are not privileges granted by a ruling party; they are fundamental rights that governments are obliged to respect and protect. Nevertheless, reports by Amnesty International have repeatedly documented arbitrary arrests, harassment of perceived opponents, intimidation of activists and restrictions on peaceful dissent in Zimbabwe. In its report on the country’s human rights situation in 2025, Amnesty International documented arrests of opposition supporters and activists, including the arrest of journalist Blessed Mhlanga in February 2025 and the detention of journalists covering demonstrations on 31 March 2025. The organisation also reported that more than 90 activists opposing proposed constitutional changes were arrested on 31 March 2025. These are not imaginary political concerns; they are documented incidents that demand public scrutiny and accountability. Amnesty International, Zimbabwe 2025 report. When citizens come to believe that their safety depends on political silence, democracy is reduced to a performance in which the population is permitted to vote but discouraged from questioning those who govern.

The disappearance of journalist and pro-democracy activist Itai Dzamara remains one of the most painful examples of the consequences of political activism in Zimbabwe. On 9 March 2015, five men abducted Dzamara from a barber shop in Harare’s Glen View suburb. He had previously called for political change and criticised the government. Despite a High Court order directing the authorities to search for him and report on their progress, his whereabouts remained unknown ten years later. In March 2025, Amnesty International renewed its demand for an independent investigation into his disappearance, criticising the authorities’ failure to establish what happened to him. Amnesty International, 7 March 2025. The question Zimbabweans must ask is simple: how can citizens have confidence in the justice system when someone can disappear after engaging in political activism, and the truth remains elusive for a decade? A government cannot credibly claim to protect its citizens while such cases remain unresolved. Justice delayed for a decade is not merely a legal failure; it is a continuing source of suffering for families and a warning to others who may wish to speak out.

The concerns surrounding Kelvin Bhonzo’s death have added another painful dimension to this crisis. According to reporting by CITE, the Zimbabwe Peace Project condemned his death in July 2026 after he reportedly succumbed to injuries sustained in an alleged politically motivated assault in Chitungwiza. The organisation said the assault had been documented in its June 2026 human rights monitoring report and that suspected ZANU-PF supporters had allegedly attacked him because of his association with opposition to Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, subsequently enacted as Constitutional Amendment Act No. 3. CITE, 28 July 2026. These allegations must be investigated independently, and those responsible must be brought to justice if the evidence establishes their guilt. However, the wider political question cannot be ignored: why should anyone face the possibility of violence for opposing a constitutional amendment? Why should a citizen’s political opinion become a threat to personal safety? A constitution should protect the people from the abuse of power, not become a battleground where the interests of political officeholders take precedence over citizens’ rights. The death of any individual in circumstances allegedly connected to political disagreement deserves a transparent investigation, not silence, intimidation or the dismissal of public concern. No political party has the right to determine whose life matters and whose suffering can be ignored.

The controversy surrounding Constitutional Amendment No. 3 also raises serious questions about the future of democratic accountability in Zimbabwe. In October 2025, Amnesty International reported that ZANU-PF had adopted a proposal to amend the Constitution to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s tenure by two years, from its scheduled end in 2028 to 2030. Opposition figures challenged the proposal, while human rights concerns grew over the treatment of those resisting it. Amnesty International subsequently reported attacks on constitutional lawyer Professor Lovemore Madhuku and other political activists on 1 March 2026. According to the organisation, armed men attacked participants at a meeting in Harare while uniformed police officers were present. Amnesty called for an independent investigation and an end to the crackdown on peaceful dissent. Amnesty International, 2 March 2026. These events raise a fundamental democratic concern: a constitution should not be manipulated to protect individuals' political futures at the expense of the people’s right to periodic, meaningful elections. Political leaders are temporary custodians of public office, not permanent owners of the state. The legitimacy of any constitutional change depends not merely on whether it can be passed through formal procedures, but also on whether citizens can freely debate it, oppose it and participate in the process without intimidation. A government that claims to represent the people must be prepared to listen to them, even when their demands threaten the comfort or ambitions of those in power.

The allegations surrounding the Gold Mafia investigations provide another troubling example of the questions surrounding the management of Zimbabwe’s national wealth. In March and April 2023, Al Jazeera published an investigative series examining alleged gold smuggling and money laundering involving individuals connected to Zimbabwe’s gold trade, including prominent figures and a diplomat serving as ambassador-at-large. The investigation featured undercover recordings in which individuals discussed arrangements to move gold and launder money. The Zimbabwean government subsequently announced that it would investigate the allegations, stating that anyone found to have committed criminal acts would face the law. The individuals and entities featured in the investigation did not all accept the allegations, and the claims must be distinguished from criminal findings established by a court.

Nevertheless, the investigation raised legitimate questions about the integrity of institutions responsible for regulating the gold trade and protecting public revenue. Al Jazeera, 5 April 2023. Zimbabwe is rich in mineral resources, yet this natural wealth has not translated into reliable public services and economic security for millions of citizens. Gold should help finance hospitals, schools, roads, employment and national development. It should not become a source of enrichment for a privileged few while ordinary families struggle to afford food, medication and transport. The issue is not whether Zimbabwe should benefit from its gold; it is whether Zimbabweans are receiving the benefits of their own resources. Every unresolved allegation involving public officials, politically connected individuals or state-linked institutions must be examined through independent investigations, transparent financial records and fair legal proceedings. National wealth belongs to the nation, and citizens have every right to demand an explanation when they believe it is being lost through corruption or illicit activity.

Perhaps nowhere is the failure of public accountability felt more directly than in the healthcare system. For many ordinary Zimbabweans, going to a public hospital no longer brings the reassurance that medical care is available when life is at risk. Instead, it can bring fear, uncertainty and the terrifying possibility that a treatable condition may become fatal because essential medicines, equipment, trained personnel or emergency services are unavailable. For many desperate families, going to the hospital feels like being handed a death sentence rather than being given a chance to live. I use this expression to describe the fear and despair created by a healthcare system in which patients may arrive seeking treatment only to encounter shortages, delays and inadequate facilities. No patient should have to wonder whether entering a hospital will be the beginning of recovery or the start of a tragedy. A hospital should be a place where life is protected, pain is relieved, and families are given hope. It must never become an institution where poverty determines whether someone receives treatment in time.

This concern is supported by evidence of serious healthcare challenges. In March 2025, the news agency EFE reported that Zimbabwe’s health minister had announced at least 300 newborn deaths and 54 maternal deaths since January amid a crisis involving shortages of essential medical equipment, life-saving medication and experienced healthcare professionals. The reported figures included 111 neonatal deaths and 19 maternal deaths in Harare. EFE, 6 March 2025. UNICEF’s 2024 annual report also identified inadequate or obsolete equipment, medicine stockouts, dwindling financing and an insufficient health workforce as continuing challenges to healthcare delivery in Zimbabwe. UNICEF Zimbabwe, 2024 Annual Report. These findings demonstrate that the crisis is not simply a matter of political rhetoric. They point to structural problems affecting patients, families and medical professionals. When essential equipment is unavailable, medical supplies run out, and hospitals cannot consistently provide the services people need, the consequences can be devastating. My own family has experienced the burden of this situation. When my younger sister broke her arm, we had to obtain certain medication ourselves to facilitate her treatment. That experience showed me how distressing it is for a family to seek medical help and then discover that obtaining the necessary supplies becomes an additional responsibility. A patient’s access to treatment should not depend on whether their family has enough money to purchase what a public hospital cannot provide.

The situation becomes even more troubling when reports describe medical procedures conducted under inadequate lighting, including the alleged use of candles or mobile phone torches, or patients being required to purchase supplies before treatment can proceed. Such individual incidents should be documented and investigated, but the principle is beyond dispute: safe surgery requires appropriate equipment, lighting, sterilisation, medicines and trained professionals. Patients should not be exposed to avoidable risks due to public facilities lacking the resources to operate safely. Healthcare workers also deserve fair pay, adequate supplies and working conditions that allow them to perform their duties professionally. Underpaid nurses and doctors, shortages of experienced personnel and deteriorating facilities are symptoms of a system that requires urgent reform. It is unjust to expect medical professionals to preserve lives while denying them the resources they need to do their jobs. Equally, ordinary citizens should not bear the consequences of failures in public administration and financing. The government must explain how healthcare budgets are allocated, how medical supplies are procured and distributed, and what concrete steps are being taken to restore the capacity of public hospitals. The right to life means little in practice if a citizen cannot obtain timely, affordable and safe medical treatment.

It is especially difficult for ordinary Zimbabweans to understand these hardships when individuals with considerable financial resources can seek treatment abroad while the majority struggle to obtain care at home. The point is not that anyone should be denied medical treatment outside Zimbabwe. Every person has the right to seek appropriate care. The real question is why the national healthcare system is unable to offer ordinary citizens the same confidence in accessing essential treatment. If public hospitals are sufficiently reliable for everyone, why do so many families fear using them? If the nation’s resources are being managed in the interests of the people, why must patients search for medicines, pay for supplies or travel long distances for services that should be accessible locally? These questions demand answers rooted in budgets, procurement records, staffing figures and measurable improvements, not political speeches. The government must be judged not by the promises it makes but by the lives it protects.

The same principle applies to emergency services. An ambulance is not a luxury; it can be the difference between life and death. When a patient suffers a medical emergency, there may be no time for a family to search for transport, negotiate costs or appeal to politically connected individuals for assistance. Every community requires dependable emergency response systems, functioning ambulances, trained personnel and accessible medical facilities. Where ambulances are unavailable because of shortages or resource constraints, the causes must be investigated and addressed. If public funds have been diverted or mismanaged, the evidence must be established, and those responsible held accountable through due process. Citizens should never have to question whether their survival depends on their political affiliation, financial status or connections to the ruling party. Public services exist to serve the public. Their purpose is defeated when access to essential assistance becomes a privilege rather than a basic component of citizenship.

Zimbabwe’s political and economic problems are also reflected in the treatment of citizens forced to leave the country in search of safety or economic opportunity. Zimbabweans living in South Africa and elsewhere have faced difficult circumstances, including xenophobic hostility, economic insecurity and, in some cases, forced or assisted returns. Whenever citizens return home under distressing circumstances, the government has a responsibility to ensure that they receive humane treatment, emergency assistance and support with reintegration. Reports that returnees have experienced shortages of food, shelter or transportation deserve serious scrutiny. People who have already endured hardship should not be abandoned upon reaching their own country. Their circumstances should prompt questions about employment, economic opportunity, public assistance and the conditions that forced so many people to seek livelihoods beyond Zimbabwe’s borders in the first place. A government cannot celebrate national sovereignty while failing to address the circumstances that leave its citizens struggling to survive abroad. Nor should the suffering of returning citizens be treated as less important than political ceremonies, luxury travel or the interests of those with access to public resources. Every Zimbabwean deserves dignity, regardless of where they have lived or the circumstances under which they return.

The concerns about political repression extend beyond Zimbabwe’s borders, particularly among activists in the diaspora who continue to campaign for democratic reform. Zimbabweans abroad retain the right to express their political opinions, organise peaceful demonstrations and call for accountability. Their geographical location should not deprive them of their dignity or legitimate democratic freedoms. Concerns about intimidation, surveillance and possible retaliation against activists who criticise the government must be taken seriously and investigated where credible evidence exists. The law commonly referred to as the Patriot Act has also attracted criticism from those who fear that broad restrictions on engagement with foreign governments could be used to discourage dissent. Such concerns must be assessed in light of the law’s actual provisions and their implementation. Still, the underlying democratic principle is clear: patriotism cannot be reduced to unquestioning loyalty to a political party. A citizen who exposes corruption, condemns violence or campaigns for constitutional accountability is not automatically an enemy of the nation. Indeed, peaceful criticism can be an expression of profound commitment to the country’s future. Zimbabwe needs citizens who are free to ask difficult questions, journalists who can investigate wrongdoing, civil society organisations that can monitor public institutions, and a diaspora that can contribute ideas and resources without fear. A government confident in its legitimacy should welcome peaceful scrutiny rather than treat criticism as a threat to its survival.

The central tragedy of Zimbabwe is that the people who fought for political liberation should not have to fight another generation-long battle for the freedoms that independence was supposed to secure. Political independence without effective accountability can leave citizens feeling powerless. Elections without a safe environment for political participation cannot fully satisfy the promise of democracy. Natural resources without transparent management cannot guarantee national prosperity. Hospitals without adequate equipment cannot provide the security that the right to health demands. And a justice system that fails to resolve serious allegations of political violence cannot reassure citizens that the law protects them equally. These are not isolated questions. They are interconnected tests of whether the state is fulfilling its responsibilities to the people.

I would rather face a life sentence for standing by my convictions than live in constant fear of being tortured, abducted or killed for expressing my political views. This is not because imprisonment is something to celebrate, nor because I wish harm upon anyone. It is because a life without freedom, dignity and the ability to speak the truth is one in which fear has been allowed to overpower citizenship. No Zimbabwean should be forced to make such a choice. No parent should fear that a child will be attacked for holding a political opinion. No activist should have to consider disappearance or violence as a possible consequence of peaceful opposition. No journalist should be intimidated for reporting on matters of public interest. No patient should fear that entering a hospital is equivalent to receiving a death sentence. No family should be left without answers when a loved one dies in circumstances that raise legitimate questions. And no individual or political organisation should be permitted to place itself above the law.

I therefore call for independent investigations into reported cases of political violence, including Kelvin Bhonzo’s death; meaningful accountability for those responsible for abuses established through credible evidence; the protection of journalists, activists and peaceful protesters; transparent investigations into allegations arising from the Gold Mafia exposé; stronger judicial independence; and urgent, measurable investment in healthcare, emergency services and essential public infrastructure. Zimbabwe also needs transparent constitutional processes, credible democratic competition and public institutions that serve every citizen without discrimination. These demands are not an attack on Zimbabwe. They are a call for the country to fulfil the promises upon which its independence was built. Criticising a government's failures is not the same as hating one’s country. In many circumstances, it is precisely because people love their country that they refuse to remain silent while its institutions struggle and its citizens suffer.

The bloodshed during the liberation struggle must not be used to justify permanent political entitlement. The sacrifices of those who fought for independence should be honoured by protecting the freedoms for which they struggled, not by demanding that future generations accept fear and silence in their name. No political party is greater than the nation, no leader is greater than the Constitution, and no officeholder is entitled to treat public resources as personal property. Zimbabwe’s future must be determined by its people through peaceful, free and credible democratic processes. Its hospitals must preserve life, its courts must deliver justice, its resources must serve the public, and its citizens must be free to speak without fear.

The question that remains is this: when will Zimbabwe experience its second independence? Not independence from another nation, but freedom from fear, political intimidation, corruption, impunity and the denial of fundamental human rights. Independence means that a child can enter a hospital and expect treatment, a citizen can criticise the president without fear of retaliation, an activist can organise a peaceful demonstration without being attacked, and a family can demand justice without being ignored. It means that the wealth beneath Zimbabwean soil is reflected in the wellbeing of the people who live upon it, and that political leadership is a public responsibility rather than a permanent entitlement. Until Zimbabweans can enjoy these freedoms in practice, the promise of 1980 remains unfinished. Zimbabwe does not need another liberation struggle fought in blood; it needs a democratic renewal built on truth, accountability, justice and the protection of human life. The people must never again be forced to choose between their political convictions and their right to live. The struggle for Zimbabwe’s second independence must continue until freedom belongs to every Zimbabwean, not merely to those who hold power.

About the author: -
Samuel Jambaya is a Zimbabwean human rights activist based in the United Kingdom. He is a member of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe and is also active with the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF). He can be contacted via email at jomueljambaya@gmail.com.

 

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