ZANU-PF Is Failing Its Children : When Parents Cannot Afford Education and Hospitals Cannot Provide Healthcare

 By Andrew Tinashe Masuka

10^th November 2026

There is something deeply painful about a country where parents have dreams for their children but cannot afford to educate them, where qualified graduates walk the streets without employment, and where ordinary citizens struggle to access basic healthcare.

This is the reality facing many Zimbabweans today. And after decades of ZANU-PF rule, the country must confront some difficult questions about leadership, accountability and the future of its people.

Education: A privilege instead of a basic right

Education should be the foundation of every child’s future. Unfortunately, for many Zimbabwean families, keeping a child in school has become a financial struggle.

Parents are expected to cover school fees, uniforms, books, examination fees, transport, and other educational expenses. But how can a parent meet these responsibilities when they cannot find a stable, paying job?

How do we expect a mother or father earning an unreliable income, surviving on informal trading, or relying on relatives abroad to educate their children?

The World Bank has highlighted the financial barriers affecting children’s education, particularly among girls. Its 2026 analysis also identifies significant funding shortfalls in the Basic Education Assistance Module (BEAM), the programme intended to support vulnerable children.

UNICEF has further highlighted shortages of learning materials, inadequate resources and teacher attrition.

The consequences are bigger than unpaid school fees. It is children losing opportunities, families being pushed into poverty and an entire generation being denied the chance to fulfil its potential.

Healthcare: What happens when citizens cannot afford to get sick?

Healthcare is another area where ordinary Zimbabweans face serious difficulties.

A person should not have to choose between buying food and purchasing medication. A mother should not have to worry about whether a hospital has the necessary equipment to deliver her baby safely.

Yet Zimbabwe’s public healthcare system continues to face serious challenges.

UNICEF has reported declining health financing, shortages of medical equipment, medicine stockouts and shortages of healthcare workers.

The 2022 national census recorded a maternal mortality ratio of 363 deaths per 100,000 live births.

These are not merely statistics. Behind every number is a family, a community and potentially a life that could have been saved.

Healthcare should never become a privilege reserved for those who can afford private hospitals.

Unemployment: The missing link between poverty, education and healthcare

Perhaps one of Zimbabwe’s greatest challenges is the lack of reliable employment and decent wages.

The World Bank’s September 2026 Zimbabwe Growth and Jobs Report found that approximately 80% of Zimbabweans work in the informal sector, with median earnings of around US$130 per month.

This tells us something important: economic growth does not automatically translate into better living conditions for ordinary citizens.

Parents cannot pay school fees without income. Families cannot consistently afford medication without income. Young people cannot build independent lives without opportunities.

A country cannot claim meaningful development when its people are struggling to secure the most basic necessities.

Twenty-six years of the same governing party: Where is the accountability?

ZANU-PF has governed Zimbabwe since independence in 1980. That long period in power comes with a responsibility to answer for the country’s development record.

It would be unfair to suggest that every problem Zimbabwe faces has one cause. Economic sanctions, droughts, global economic pressures and other external factors have also affected the country.

However, these challenges do not remove the responsibility of government to manage public resources, create an environment for employment, strengthen public institutions and ensure that education and healthcare are accessible.

Zimbabwe has talented teachers, doctors, nurses, engineers, entrepreneurs and young people with extraordinary potential.

Why should so many of them have to look beyond their country’s borders to find opportunities?

Why should parents who want nothing more than to educate their children be forced to watch those opportunities disappear because they cannot afford school fees?

And why should ordinary citizens continue to carry the burden of a struggling public system?

Zimbabwe deserves more than promises

The people of Zimbabwe do not need endless political speeches promising prosperity. They need functioning hospitals, properly funded schools, decent employment, affordable education and accountable leadership.

They need a government that understands that development is not measured by buildings, political slogans or announcements about economic growth.

It is measured by whether a child can attend school, whether a patient can receive treatment, whether a graduate can find employment and whether a working parent can afford to feed their family.

ZANU-PF must be held accountable for its record of governance and the conditions that ordinary Zimbabweans continue to experience.

Zimbabwe belongs to its people, not to any political party.

The question is no longer simply what Zimbabwe could become. The question is how many more generations must sacrifice their future before meaningful change reaches the lives of ordinary citizens?

About the author
Andrew Tinashe Masuka is a human rights activist based in the United Kingdom. He is in the Midlands Branch of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe. He is also active with the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) and Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO). He can be contacted by email at druemasuka@gmail.com

 

ZANU-PF: 46 YEARS IN POWER, BUT WHERE IS THE PROMISE OF A BETTER ZIMBABWE?

By Andrew Tinashe Masuka

4^th November 2026

A nation rich in resources, yet its people continue to struggle.

Zimbabwe is not a poor country. It is a country blessed with gold, diamonds, platinum, lithium, fertile land and intelligent people. Yet millions of its citizens continue to struggle with unemployment, poverty, poor public services and economic instability.

Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has dominated the country’s political leadership. After 46 years, it is only fair to ask: What has the party done with the responsibility entrusted to it by the people?

How can a country so rich in natural resources have citizens struggling to afford basic necessities? Why are graduates leaving university without employment? Why are families being separated because parents must travel abroad to provide for their children?

These are not simply economic questions. They are questions about leadership, accountability and the management of a nation’s wealth.

The people are paying the price.

Corruption is not just about money disappearing from government accounts. It is about hospitals without adequate medicines, schools without sufficient resources, unfinished infrastructure and opportunities that never reach ordinary citizens.

ZANU-PF cannot govern for decades and blame every failure on sanctions, foreign interference or previous governments. External challenges exist, but they do not absolve those who have held power for so long of responsibility.

The liberation struggle brought Zimbabwe independence, but independence was supposed to bring more than a flag and a national anthem. It was supposed to bring freedom, dignity, opportunity and a better life.

The sacrifices of the liberation struggle should never be used as an excuse to avoid accountability today.

A generation forced to leave home.

Perhaps the greatest tragedy is the number of Zimbabweans who have had to leave their homeland to find opportunities elsewhere.

Parents are separated from children. Families depend on relatives abroad for school fees, food and medical expenses. Young people with qualifications are building careers in countries other than the one they call home.

Zimbabweans abroad have become an economic lifeline for countless families.

But why should a country with so much natural wealth depend so heavily on money sent home by its own citizens working thousands of kilometres away?

A nation should create opportunities for its people, not force them to search for a future elsewhere.

Zimbabwe belongs to its people, not a political party

ZANU-PF played a significant role in Zimbabwe’s liberation history, and that history deserves recognition. But political history cannot be used to justify decades of unanswered questions.

Criticising the government is not betraying Zimbabwe. Demanding accountability is not disrespecting the liberation struggle. Wanting better leadership is not hating your country.

No political party owns Zimbabwe. No president is above accountability, and no individual should be more important than the welfare of millions of citizens.

Zimbabwe needs transparent leadership, independent institutions, genuine economic opportunities, and a system in which public resources benefit the public.

The question ZANU-PF must answer

After 46 years in power, Zimbabweans deserve more than political slogans and promises of a brighter future.

They deserve to know where their country’s wealth goes, why corruption remains a concern, and why ordinary people continue to carry the burden of economic hardship.

How many more generations must leave Zimbabwe before the country becomes a place where its own people can build successful lives?

How much longer must citizens wait for the opportunities they were promised?

ZANU-PF did not inherit Zimbabwe to own it. It inherited a responsibility to serve its people.

Zimbabwe is bigger than ZANU-PF. It is bigger than any president, politician or political party.

The country belongs to its people, and its natural wealth should create opportunities for its people.

A country should not be judged by how wealthy its leaders become, but by how well its people live.

Zimbabweans deserve to enjoy their own country.

About the author
Andrew Tinashe Masuka is a human rights activist based in the United Kingdom. He is in the Midlands Branch of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe. He is also active with the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) and Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO). He can be contacted by email at druemasuka@gmail.com

The Fight for Zimbabwe's Ballot: Inside the High-Stakes Legal Challenge to CAB3

 By Ettar Patience Mhlanga

3^rd November, 2026

Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Court has reserved judgment in a major legal challenge against Constitutional Amendment No. 3 (CAB3), bringing renewed attention to the country’s political future, democratic rights and constitutional governance. The case, brought by two war veterans, Eliphas Kawa and Hazvineyi Machingura, challenges important provisions of the constitutional amendment signed into law by President Emmerson Mnangagwa on 7 July 2026.

The legal proceedings have attracted considerable public interest because they concern the rights of Zimbabwean citizens to choose their political leadership and the constitutional procedures required to make significant changes to the country’s governing framework. The case has also become an important part of the wider debate between supporters of the amendment and those who believe it threatens democratic accountability.

The controversial amendment introduces major changes to Zimbabwe’s political and electoral arrangements. Among its most significant provisions are the extension of presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years, the postponement of the next general election from 2028 to 2030 and the removal of direct presidential elections by popular vote. Under the new arrangements, the President is elected by members of Parliament sitting jointly as the Senate and National Assembly.

These changes have raised serious questions about the future of democratic participation in Zimbabwe. Critics argue that removing the direct presidential vote reduces ordinary citizens' ability to exercise their constitutional right to choose the country’s head of state. They also argue that extending political terms changes the electoral timetable and affects the accountability of elected leaders to the electorate.

During the parliamentary process, the amendment received 216 votes in the National Assembly, exceeding the required two-thirds majority. However, 42 Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) members of Parliament voted against it, demonstrating the political divisions surrounding the proposed constitutional changes.

Kawa and Machingura have approached the Constitutional Court, arguing that the amendment cannot remove citizens’ right to elect a President of their choice under Section 67 of the Constitution without a national referendum. They have also challenged the provision that allows the President to appoint 10 additional senators, arguing that it undermines the Constitution's basic structure.

The applicants have named the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, Parliament, the President and the Attorney-General as respondents in the proceedings. Their legal representatives, including constitutional lawyer Tendai Biti and Advocate Lewis Uriri, have argued that the case raises important questions about citizens’ voting rights, constitutional supremacy and access to justice.

An important part of the proceedings concerns whether the applicants should be allowed to approach the Constitutional Court directly rather than first taking their case through the High Court. This is significant because access to constitutional remedies is itself an important part of protecting citizens’ rights. The court’s decision on this preliminary issue will determine whether the applicants can proceed directly with their substantive constitutional challenge.

The Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF), led by former Finance Minister Tendai Biti, has supported the campaign to defend constitutionalism and encouraged Zimbabweans to attend the court proceedings in solidarity with the applicants. Following the hearing on 2 November, the organisation welcomed the support shown by citizens inside Zimbabwe and those following the proceedings from abroad.

The forum reiterated its commitment to peaceful and lawful efforts to defend constitutional supremacy, democratic governance and the rights of Zimbabwean citizens. Its position reflects growing concern among constitutional campaigners that the changes introduced through CAB3 require careful judicial examination.

The case is not the only legal challenge against the constitutional amendment. Other applications have also been brought before the courts, including a separate challenge by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which argues that a national referendum was required before the President could assent to the amendment under Section 328(6) of the Constitution.

The legal disputes have intensified political debate in Zimbabwe, with opposition groups and civil society organisations questioning whether the constitutional changes adequately protect citizens' democratic rights. Supporters of the amendment maintain that the required parliamentary procedures were followed, while critics insist that the changes affect fundamental constitutional principles and should receive wider public approval.

Beyond the courtroom, the controversy has important implications for freedom of expression, political participation and peaceful assembly. Citizens, opposition supporters, journalists and human rights defenders have continued to debate the amendment and its potential consequences for the country’s democratic institutions.

Zimbabweans living abroad have also followed the developments closely. Diaspora communities, particularly those involved in human rights advocacy, have used online discussions, petitions and demonstrations to express their concerns about CAB3 and the future of constitutional democracy in Zimbabwe. These activities demonstrate that political developments in Zimbabwe remain a major concern for citizens both at home and overseas.

Political parties, civil society organisations and members of the public will closely watch the Constitutional Court’s decision. However, it is important to recognise that the court has only reserved judgment in this particular application. It has not yet ruled that CAB3 is unconstitutional or upheld the applicants’ arguments. The substantive legal questions remain subject to judicial determination.

The ongoing legal battle highlights the importance of an independent judiciary and the protection of constitutional rights. A democratic constitution should provide safeguards against the excessive concentration of political power and ensure that citizens retain meaningful opportunities to participate in decisions affecting their country.

Zimbabwe now faces an important constitutional moment. The outcome of the court challenges could influence the future of presidential elections, parliamentary representation and the relationship between political leadership and the electorate.

For many Zimbabweans, the central issue is not simply the extension of terms in office but the protection of their democratic rights and the principle that public authority should remain accountable to the people.

As the country awaits the Constitutional Court’s judgment, the debate over CAB3 continues to reflect wider concerns about democracy, constitutionalism and the future of political freedom in Zimbabwe.

About the authors
Ettar Patience Mhlanga is a human rights defender and political activist based in the United Kingdom. She is an active member of the Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation. She is also in the North Branch of the UK Chapter of the Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe and is a member of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO). She can be contacted by email at mhlangaettarpatience@gmail.com

Zviriko Is Not a Strategy

How a jobless economy is pushing Zimbabwe's youth toward drugs and despair, and why industrialisation is the answer

By Narshon Kohlo, Chairperson, CDF Zimbabwe Youth, and Blessing Tariro Makeyi, Chairperson, Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation

3^rd November, 2026

There is a word Zimbabweans say when life breaks us. Zviriko. It happens.

It has carried millions through hunger, blackouts, bank queues and burials. Social media now calls it a statement that has saved many from a mental breakdown. I understand why. When the system gives you nothing, you learn to carry everything yourself.

But let us be honest. A people should not need a slogan to survive their own government.

Zviriko is not a strategy. It is a symptom.

The graduate with nowhere to go

Every year, young Zimbabweans finish school, college and university. They have degrees, certificates and dreams. And every year they walk into an economy with no door for them.

Reported ZimStat figures have put youth unemployment above 85 per cent. Even where the numbers are argued over, the reality on the street is not. Factories have closed. Industries have shrunk. Vending and cross-border trade have become the national career path.

Who built this economy? Who has governed it for over four decades? Do we need to ask who destroyed it? Who promised jobs and delivered a hustle?

When a young person wakes up with an empty stomach and a jobless future, that is not laziness. That is policy failure.

What do the young people of Zimbabwe ask of their government? It is simple. Jobs. Jobs. Jobs. Yet the ZANU-PF-led government has failed to deliver on this most basic responsibility.

For nearly two decades, our parents have poured thousands of dollars into our education. They made enormous personal and financial sacrifices. They believed their children would graduate, find decent work, earn a fair salary and live with dignity. Then the graduation gown comes off, and the economy offers nothing. Years of study. Years of sacrifice. For what?

From despair to the bottle, the pipe and the pill

Harare's high-density suburbs tell the story. Young men and women, many of them educated, gather openly to consume crystal meth, known as mutoriro, along with illicit alcohol, marijuana, codeine syrups and abused prescription drugs. Researchers in Harare have documented the toll of mutoriro on the mental health of the youths who use it. Reporting from earlier in the crisis, they found a single gram selling for about twelve dollars, roughly a week's rent for a township room.

Drugs have become both a business and a refuge. A refuge from hunger. A refuge from shame. A refuge from a future that has been cancelled.

And where is the help? A 2020 Mental Health Zimbabwe survey found that about 70 per cent of respondents had no access to formal mental health services. Public rehabilitation is almost non-existent. Private rehab is out of reach. Stigma finishes the job. So, the young person who needs a nurse instead meets a police baton.

Why are the poor and the addicted arrested, while the suppliers seem to operate in daylight? Who is protecting the pipeline?

Depression with a political address

We talk about depression as if it falls from the sky. It does not. When a state fails to create work, fails to fund clinics, fails to deal with corruption and fails to protect its young, the despair that follows has a political address.

Call it what it is: governance-induced depression.

And the three vices that follow unemployment are no secret. Substance abuse. Crime. The sale of young bodies just to eat. Each of them is a bill, and our children are paying it.

The excuses are running out.

Government has now launched a National Youth Policy for 2026 to 2030 that names drug abuse and mental health care as priorities. Good. Then let us hold it to its word.

We have heard of youth funds that never reach the youth. We have heard of empowerment banks and empowerment speeches. What we have not seen is a generation put to work.

Meanwhile, political energy is poured into rewriting the rules to protect those in power, while the young are left to rewrite their own coping. Which one will history record as the priority?

Industrialise, or lose a generation

Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has had decades to build an industrialised economy capable of employing its people. Zimbabwe was once among the most industrialised countries in sub-Saharan Africa. What happened?

The Industry minister now says that manufacturing capacity utilisation reached 63.2 per cent by the third quarter of 2026. That is an improvement on last year. But it also means more than a third of our productive capacity sits idle. Independent analysts warn that much of the machinery is outdated, and the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries has itself warned of a drift toward de-industrialisation. Asked how many jobs the recovery has created, the ministry said it has not tabulated them.

A recovery that cannot count its jobs is not a recovery for the youth.

The solution is neither complicated nor beyond our reach. Industrialise the country. Revive our productive sectors. Support local enterprises. Attract productive investment. Create decent, sustainable jobs.

And while the government fails us, our brightest leave. Many young Zimbabweans are driven abroad, not because they want to abandon their country, but because their country has failed to give them a future at home. The diaspora is not a choice. It is an indictment.

What accountability looks like

* Jobs, not slogans: real investment in industry, agriculture, skills and youth enterprise, with funds audited and published.

* Treatment, not handcuffs: public rehabilitation and community mental health services in every province.

* Prosecute the pipeline: go after the networks that supply the drugs, not just the young people who use them.

* End the stigma: mental health is health.

* Transparent leadership: officials named and answerable when youth money disappears.

A message to our young people

You are not broken. You are not lazy. You were failed.

Some of us choose to fight because the alternative is watching a generation disappear. It is painful. We will do it anyway.

We do not want handouts. We want opportunities.

We do not want political rhetoric. We want tangible economic transformation.

We do not want to be reduced to campaign mobilisers and political spectators. We want to be active participants in building the economy and shaping the future of our country.

Employment is not a political favour. It is an urgent national priority. A country that educates its young people but cannot employ them is wasting its greatest resource.

To the diaspora: do not look away. Support the clinics. Support the youth projects. Raise your voice in every forum you can reach.

Zviriko is how we survive. Accountability is how we win.

Mobilize. Educate. Defend.

About the authors
Narshon Kohlo is the Chairperson, CDF Zimbabwe Youth, and Blessing Tariro Makeyi is the Chairperson, Constitution Defenders Forum (CDF) UK Federation. Blessing is also a member of the UK Chapter of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR) Zimbabwe.